The files also reveal a German intelligence agent was reported to have sought to
use Ireland as a base for spying on its neighbour during the war.
Details of the invasion plan were released by the National Archives in Britain
yesterday, 70 years, to the day, since three women were killed in a Luftwaffe
bombing raid on the tiny village of Campile, Co Wexford.
The just-published MI5 file reveals that Ireland would have been targeted for
German landings had the Luftwaffe won the Battle of Britain.
The plan, which would have involved the landing of German shock troops at Dover,
was abandoned because invading troops would have faced attacks by the Royal Air
Ireland's inclusion in the invasion plan is revealed in an extract of a post-war
debrief of a German soldier, Cpl Werner Janowski, who worked for the German
intelligence service, the Abwehr.
"Janowski states that it was planned that landings would be attempted at several
points along the English coast, in Scotland and in southern Ireland but the main
attack would be centred around the Dover area," according to the file.
The National Archive said his reference to Ireland was the only one made in the
Janowski file, which revealed that German shock troops wearing Allied uniforms
were to make the initial landings and hold strategic positions before the main
invasion force could be brought across the Channel in barges. Historian Diarmaid
Ferriter said: "These would have been contingency plans and they would have
caused great concern to Irish military intelligence."
Other details in the MI5 files tell how it was also planned to use Ireland to
spy on England.
2. Did Giants Exist' Answer: Yes!
Is there proof of them'
Answer: Yes and No.
Bone remains from what are assumedly apes of ca. 18 feet tall have been found.
These apes according to their skeletal remains stood
upright as humans do.
Also other human bone remains of very large size have been found but "explained
In addition implements, stairways, and even buildings suitable only for giants
have been found but these have been explained
as cultural features i.e. ordinary humans made implements and built edifices of
gigantic proportions for their amusement or for some kind of
In other words evidence exists that if interpreted in the right way would show
the existence of giants.
It would seem that the academic world is against this since it is contrary to
their accepted postulates.
On the other hand, eccentric "believers" sometimes tend to go to the opposite
extreme and simply invent evidence.
We need to be constantly on our guard.
On November 2, 1917, the British government expressed its sympathy with Jewish
Zionist aspirations and announced that it would use its 'best endeavors' to
facilitate 'the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish
people.' The announcement came in a letter from Foreign Secretary Arthur James
Balfour to Lord Rothschild, the unofficial leader of the British Jewish
community. The Balfour declaration became the diplomatic foundation stone of the
state of Israel; it is considered the original sin by Israel's opponents.
THE BALFOUR DECLARATION
The Origins of the Arab-Israeli Conflict
By Jonathan Schneer
Illustrated. 432 pp. Random House. $30
In this comprehensive study, richly documented by diplomatic correspondence,
Jonathan Schneer concludes that the famous declaration seems to have just missed
the sidetrack of history: in contrast to a common myth, Britain's support for
Zionism was not the result of an inevitable process. In fact, as Schneer
reveals, shortly after Balfour's promise to the Jews, the British government
offered the Ottoman Empire the opportunity to keep Palestine and to continue to
fly the Turkish flag over it.
Chaim Weizmann, the leading spokesman for Zionism in Britain... began to solicit
support among the British soon after he settled in Manchester in 1904. He could
hardly speak English in those days: his first contacts with British officials
were conducted in French. But if he was taken aback by the snobbery and coolness
that awaited him at Whitehall, he made sure to conceal his uneasiness, acting as
if he commanded an almost omnipotent power: world Jewry. The British believed he
Obviously there was no 'Jewish power' controlling world affairs, but Weizmann
successfully pretended that the Jews were in fact turning the wheels of history.
For once, the anti-Semitic image of the Jews proved useful ' they were believed
to be so maliciously dangerous that one would do best to acquire them as allies
rather than as enemies.
Beginning in 1916, the British hoped that in exchange for their support of
Zionism 'the Jews' would help to finance the growing expenses of the Great War,
which at that time was not going very well for Britain. More important, policy
makers in the Foreign Office believed that Jews could persuade the United States
to join the war. In this sense, as Schneer points out, the decision to issue the
Balfour declaration 'was based upon a misconception.'
But fear of the Jews was only one part of the story. The other part, which
Schneer neglects to explore, was the genuine admiration many of Britain's
leaders, including Prime Minister David Lloyd George and Balfour himself, felt
for the Jews and their history. These men were deeply religious Christian
Zionists. They had grown up on the Bible; the Holy Land was their spiritual
home. Modern Zionism, they believed, would fulfill a divine promise and resettle
the Jews in the land of their ancient fathers.
As part of this context, Schneer expertly analyzes the passionate and
fascinating controversy between non-Zionist and Zionist Jews that preceded the
Balfour declaration. The Zionists spoke in the name of Jewish nationhood; their
Jewish opponents denied that Jews even constituted a separate nation.
The Balfour declaration used deliberately vague language. The term 'national
home' was chosen in order to minimize the Zionist dream, that is, to make
Palestine an actual Jewish state. The Arabs, whose 'civil and religious' (not
national and political) rights were not to be prejudiced, as the declaration put
it, were referred to only as 'existing non-Jewish communities.'
Take Britain's magnificent, if abortive, effort to detach the Ottoman Empire
from the Central Powers. The idea was to orchestrate what would today be called
regime change in Turkey. The new rulers would then make a separate peace with
Britain, retain Palestine and get a handsome bribe for themselves, millions of
American dollars. The central figure in this drama was a man named Basil
Zaharoff, later Sir Basil, an Ottoman-born arms dealer and self-made diplomat
whose corruption, pomposity and eccentricity British policy makers could not
The Balfour declaration thus finds its place among a multitude of fruitless
schemes and indulgent fantasies, except, of course, that in this case,
surprisingly, the British by and large kept their word. For at least two decades
they allowed the Zionist movement to bring hundreds of thousands of Jewish
immigrants into Palestine, and these new arrivals set up hundreds of settlements
including several towns, as well as the political, economic, military and
cultural infrastructure of the future state of Israel. But if Israel's existence
originated with the British, so did the Palestinians' tragedy. The Balfour
declaration was only the opening chapter of a still unfinished story.
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